KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou continued his efforts to promote the KMT internationally with an article in the Asian Wall Street Journal yesterday. This isn’t the first time that Ma has taken time to explain the KMT’s vision to Westerners, and it certainly won’t be the last time. It also stands in stark contrast to the ham-fisted mess that the DPP government is currently making of relations with America.

The article had four interesting areas: Confrontation, One China, Unification/Independence and Constitutional reform.

Politically, the KMT should serve as a responsible and responsive opposition party. We should act as a check and balance on the ruling party and the Chen administration, while always keeping our actions within reasonable limits and being mindful of the national interest. As a society, Taiwan has been internally divided for too long. It is time to begin the healing process. To aid this process, the KMT is determined to pursue a course of reconciliation rather than emotional confrontation.

While I couldn’t agree more that this should be the KMT’s position, the sad fact is that obstruction and emotional confrontation have got worse since Ma took over from Lien Chan as Chairman – and Ma has done nothing to moderate it. Maybe, as he says “it’s time to begin” reconcilliation, but I’m not holding my breath.

Likewise, the KMT should continue to help lower tensions across the Taiwan Strait. In 1992, when I was senior vice chairman of the cabinet-level Mainland Affairs Council, the KMT administration ironed out a political compromise with Beijing on the knotty issue of one China, known as “one China, different interpretations.” During the 1990s, Taipei conducted 24 rounds of talks with Beijing, including a landmark meeting between Chairman Koo Chen-fu of the Straits Exchange Foundation and President Jiang Zemin in 1998. We participated in these discussions without jeopardizing Taiwan’s security, economy, democratization, or international standing. I see no reason why we can’t repeat them in future.

Of course, the KMT’s willingness to support a ‘One China’ principle is a big differentiator between them and the DPP. The fact that talks will likely resume across the Taiwan Strait when the KMT return to power is a big selling point for them. However, it’s worth noting that the KMT version of ‘One China’ claims that Chen Shui-bian is the rightful ruler of the whole of China, and that the PRC does not exist – which is closer to being a drug-induced hallucination than a sound basis for talks.

Taiwan needs a new paradigm — a fresh way to look at itself and others. For too long the country has been torn between its Chinese and Taiwanese identities, between the ideas of unification and independence. The KMT now believes that neither unification nor independence is likely for Taiwan in the foreseeable future and that the status quo should be maintained. The island’s future should be determined by its people, rather than the government. In this fresh paradigm, Taiwan sees itself in a new light. I am confident that as the island further opens itself up, it can only become more prosperous and secure.

The line that Taiwan’s future is up to the people of Taiwan to decide could have been taken straight from just about any Chen Shui-bian speech in the last 6 years; I’m not sure whether Chen will be happy that Ma has ‘seen the light’ or be annoyed that he’s stealing his favourite bits of rhetoric.

Nevertheless, Ma is almost certainly the first KMT chairman to acknowledge (while the chairman) that formal independence is an option for Taiwan (however unlikely), and that the KMT way is not the only way. Ma is usually careful to say that unification with China is the eventual goal of his party – which is of course very different to saying that it’s the goal for the whole country. His position on this is more well-defined, more clearly explained, and more moderate than that of his predecessor, which he should be commended for.

During the 1990s, Taiwan was justifiably proud of the political democratization it had built upon its economic miracle. But after the transfer of power from the KMT to the DPP in 2000, the Chen administration got carried away and pushed, in rapid succession, for a referendum, a new constitution, and even a change in Taiwan’s name. Few other countries have amended their constitutions as many times as quickly as Taiwan — seven times in the last 15 years. Yet, even after all these changes, President Chen was still vowing, in his recent New Year’s Day message, to push ahead with another, even more comprehensive round of amendments.

Constitutional reform is an area where I have a serious issue with Ma Ying-jeou. Apart from the fact that he’s playing fast and loose with the facts (when has the government pushed a ‘new’ consitution rather than a revision? And when has it pushed for a name change?), he flat out contradicts himself here. During the 1990s (which everyone is “justifiably proud” of) there were 6 amendments to the constitution; in the subsequent 5 years (when the DPP got “carried away”) there was one (which, incidentally the KMT supported). If he thinks 1 change in 5 years is too much, why is everyone proud of 6 changes in 10 years?

Anyway, the issue isn’t really how many changes have there been – it’s whether the constitution as it is now needs change. Ma has consistently said it doesn’t need a change. Meanwhile his party has been busy disabling some of the constitutionally-defined (but outdated) branches of government, while trying to redefine the balance of power between the legislative and executive branches. Unfortunately, because President Chen has made constitutional reform his main platform, Ma feels the need to deny any need for reform (in line with the ‘course of reconciliation’ he mentioned above).

Whatever issues I have with Ma on some of his positions, there is no doubt he provides a more coherent vision for Taiwan than Lien Chan ever did, and is much better at promoting those ideas to a Western audience than the current government.